Privatisation in the ordinary meaning is the State Policy
whereby State-owned companies are sold out to private
individuals. In other words, it is the process whereby
collectively owned properties are auctioned out to the
moneybags, who naturally are the ones that can afford
effectively the cost of such ventures.
Presently in Nigeria,
the Obasanjo regime is carrying out wholesale privatisation
of Government-owned companies, many of which function to
provide social services like electricity, water,
telecommunications, transportation, petroleum products,
recreational facilities etc. The arguments proffered as
reasons for the on-going sales of these companies are
apparently not tenable in the fairest sense.
However, it needs to
be mentioned that the regime is merely carrying out the
policy of privatisation under the dictation of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF is the
imperialist agency that fronts for the numerous foreign
creditors of the Nigerian Government viz., the Paris Club,
the London Club, among others. The agenda of the IMF is to
push the Nigerian government to drastically reduce spending
on so-called 'unprofitable' social services, so that more
money can be available for the servicing of the over $30
billion foreign debts - and also to be better placed for the
procurement of more loans.
According to the
Bureau of Public Enterprise, the body in charge of the
auction sales of the public properties, in its mission
statement:
"The primary goal of
the privatisation and commercialisation programme of the
Federal Government of Nigeria is to reduce the dominance of
the public sector in the economy and allow the private
sector to play its proper role as the leading engine of
growth. Over time, through direct massive investment and
participation, Nigeria has developed a large public
enterprise sector. As at May 1999 the Federal Government
investment in these public enterprises was in the region of
US$100 billion.
"In spite of these
massive investments, however, public enterprises have
woefully failed to perform the functions and attain the
objectives for which they were set up. The gross failure of
these enterprises to live up to expectations is partly
responsible for the current move towards economic
liberalization, competition and privatisation".
There is no doubt that
over the years billions of dollars have been spent on public
enterprises like NEPA, NITEL, Health and educational
institutions, recreational facilities like the Stadia,
National Theatre, among others. One side of the story is
that this spending comes from the collective money extracted
as taxes from the sweat of the working masses and from the
sales of naturally endowed resources extracted by the
labouring masses, especially crude oil, agricultural
products etc.
Another side of the
story is that the 'inefficiency' of these enterprises as
widely acknowledged even in government parlance is due to
long term neglect by the successive capitalist governments
in Nigeria, both civilian and military regimes. Over the
years, majority of these enterprises became inept because of
lack of required serious funds for the maintenance of
existing facilities. In the same vein, funds are not made
available for the expansion of such facilities, in order to
meet up the demands from an ever-expanding population.
Many examples of such
cases of neglect are quite glaring before our eyes. NEPA,
the electricity company, for example, has suffered
abandonment in terms of required funding; to the extent that
transformers and overhead cables which, according to the
manufacturers' specification, have been due for replacement
twenty years ago are yet to be replaced. The same goes for
the generating stations, which for many years have
degenerated in the face of disrepair. The problem with NEPA
becomes even bigger in the face of the fact that the
Obasanjo regime's claim of spending almost one billion
dollars (over N100billion) has not resulted in any
appreciable increase in the efficiency of NEPA.
The story of the
Nigeria Railway Corporation is another pathetic one. The
collapse of the Railway over the years has reduced what used
to be the biggest mode of transportation, and the largest
employer of labour, in Nigeria, to almost a naught. No
serious investment has been put into the Railway in the
recollectable past; the single rail-track that linked the
south to the north, built during the colonial days is yet to
be improved upon. The same goes for the other
infrastructures in the industry. The massive lay-offs that
accompany the collapse of the Railway have further
compounded the unemployment crisis in society.
This is the situation
with virtually every enterprise being listed for auction
sale. The government under-funds, runs them down, and claims
that no other alternative exists other than selling them
cheap to private owners, who have a common interest with the
ruling elite.
Contrary to the
hypocritical mission statement of the B.P.E., quoted above,
it is the endemic under-funding that breeds corruption in
the aforementioned enterprises. Moreover all the Management
Boards of these enterprises were appointed by the
government, past and present. And of course, the bulk of
officials-cum-policy makers of the past also occupy the
present government. In other words, the quote is a
self-indictment on the ruling elite and other government
personnel.
On the other hand, the
B.P.E statement further confirms the long-time assertion of
Marxists, organized around the Workers' Alternative, that
official bureaucratisation pulled the life out of these
enterprises. However, the alternative is not to sell them
cheaply to the capitalist private hands. But to put the
control of these companies under the democratic control and
management of workers; where their resources can be utilized
for the advantage of the whole of society rather than for
the private pockets of individuals.
Quite commonly major
roads are posted with billboards sponsored by the National
Council on Privatisation deceptively saying that " the
people benefit as the nation privatises". The question
however is: who are the people that actually benefit from
the privatisation programme? Certainly, not the ordinary
people and workers of the sold companies - who have
subsequently lost their jobs, and left their numerous
dependents with a bleak future.
No doubt, friends of
Obasanjo and Atiku are the prime beneficiaries of the
privatisation exercise. Speculation is plentiful as per
individuals fronting for key Government personnel in the
sell-off proceeds. Recently, the National Assembly on the
motion for impeachment of the President, revealed that
Gbenga Obasanjo, his son, is a major contender for the
purchase of the Mint Company. This is also the case with
Alico Dangote, the billionaire merchant who donated heavily
to the Obasanjo Campaign Fund in 1999; but has now bought
the government's Benue Cement Company.
On the other hand, the
mass of workers and the ordinary people stand to lose out
from the privatisation programme. For one, the driving force
of private ownership is maximisation of profits. With this
in mind, the immediate concern of the buyers of the newly
privatised companies will be to cut down overhead costs. The
first casualties will be workers of the affected companies,
who will lose their jobs in droves, and their numerous
dependents who stand to suffer thereafter.
In the same vein, the
poor people in the society also stand to be the final
losers. For one, the production and distribution polices of
private ownership is to be geared towards maximum profit
making, and not necessarily towards the needs of the people.
The implication of this is that, availability of products
and existing social services like electricity, water,
telecommunications, health, education, petroleum products,
agricultural fertilisers, recreational facilities etc.,
presently been produced/offered by the concerned
public-owned enterprises, will now be offered at very high
cost to the public. And of course to the deprivation of the
ordinary people in the society, who apparently will not be
able to afford such highly provocative costs.
This means that these
products may be 'available' but will be mainly not
affordable. If for example, a privatised N.E.P.A. comes into
being, it is not ruled out that electricity supply may be
more regular than now, to those who can pay but the mass
majority will left be out. Your next door house may be
connected, while you will be in perpetual darkness not
because there is no 'light', but because you cannot afford
to be connected. Already in a number of cases this is taking
place. Telephone lines exist in some places unconnected
because the cost of obtaining one is rather prohibitive. The
miserable experience with maintaining a GSM line also comes
to light here. Many ordinary people are already exempted
from the 'GSM CLUB' because of the high cost of maintaining
a line; many stay connected only to receive calls but cannot
afford to make calls!
Moreover it is
important to state, without fear of contradiction, that
contrary to the impression being passed around, experience
with privatisation in other parts of the world is not as
rosy as is being painted here.
For example, in Great
Britain, experience with the privatisation of the British
Railway is now generally acknowledged to be a miserable one.
Very commonly avoidable disasters regularly occur; the new
owners care less to maintain facilities required for
adequate security against accidents, promptness of trains at
the stations, among others.
The situation was so
bad that in the last Mayoral election in the year 2000, that
we witnessed a massive turnout of voters against the
Government's candidate who supported privatisation of the
underground train services, leading to the election of an
independent candidate, Ken Livingstone, who was earlier
rigged out of the nomination process in the Government's
Labour Party because he was against direct privatisation.
In Russia, the
introduction of wholesale privatisation of the hitherto
nationalised economy has not led to new glorious havens as
earlier promised by the apologists of capitalism. Instead
Russian society is now witnessing a scandalous
transformation into barbarism, characterised by increasing
destitution; high rate of unemployment; voodoo economy, that
is driven by the Mafia; unprecedented violent crime rate and
a hopeless future for the vast majority in society.
The problem with the
nationalised economy in Russia, as with other Stalinist
misnamed-communist Eastern European Countries etc., was the
bureaucratised mode of control of these economies, that is
completely strange to the idea of communism, as outlined by
the founding fathers of Marxism. What was required to save
the situation then, was the revolutionary overthrow of the
then ruling bureaucrats, who were anything but communists.
With subsequent introduction of Workers' Democratic control
and management of the nationalised economy, and not the
counter-revolutionary return to capitalism, which is now a
misery for the Russian workers and the poor.
All over the world,
the policy of privatisation has been a disaster for society
from one country to the other, being miserable for the
working class and the ordinary people. Incidentally, this
has also led to massive revolts against the policy and the
various governments who introduced it. The situation in
Argentina; Indonesia; Pakistan; South Africa; Ecuador, among
others, are pointing examples of such rev
In related
development, many private enterprises, worldwide, are facing
enormous crises; recording monumental collapses and
revelation of fraudulent practices. This is particularly
exemplified by Enron, Arthur Andersen, Worldcom, the
previously privatised but now bankrupt Swiss Air etc. This
goes a long way to show the real meaning of privatisation,
and how it will turn out in future - lay-off of the workers
of the privatised companies and loss of life-long savings of
ordinary people invested in their stocks.
Interestingly
in Nigeria, there have been some pockets of opposition to
the on-going privatisation process. Although, it is yet to
be transformed into a major all-encompassing movement, it is
already building up. So far, workers of some of the affected
companies are rearing opposition to the privatisation
agenda. This especially includes the NITEL and NEPA workers.
The NEPA workers are
particularly militant it their opposition. Earlier in the
year; after a strike notice, action was due to commence if
the agenda to privatise NEPA was not withdrawn. The strike,
however, didn't commence because B.P.E took the Workers'
Union to the law Court, where a reactionary injunction was
granted against the strike action commencing. In a similar
development, NEPA workers in Lagos, during the May Day rally
demonstrated with coffins proclaiming the death and burial
of Obasanjo's Privatisation agenda.
Incidentally, at the
highest level of law making, the National Assembly, there
has been open criticism against some aspect of the
privatisation exercise. The House Of Representatives even
went to the extent of passing motions against the
privatisation of some enterprises, and placed adverts,
expressing such, in some international magazines. This
development is a mere reflection of the underlying restive
mood, expressing itself as an open conflict at the top,
which should be seen as a prelude to a major protest
movement from below.